New Delhi: Under Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s rule, Turkey has undergone a dramatic transformation from a relatively secular, pro-Western democracy to a country moving towards Islamist populism. Central to this transformation has been Erdogan’s use of the media as a strategic weapon, both at domestic and international fronts.
Analysts have raised concerns that Erdogan’s government has gone beyond domestic control of press freedom and has now adopted a deliberate strategy of international ideological export. Turkish state-run media outlets which once hired Western journalists, are now seeing an influx of Pakistani nationals with strong ideological leanings.
Currently, nearly half of the editorial staff at these news outlets comprises Pakistani nationals. Many of these journalists have known affiliations with hardline ideologies, and some have shown clear sympathies with separatist movements in South Asia. Turkish media is now actively providing a platform to voice the narrative of Islamabad and anti-India sentiments.
Foreign policy observers argue that the placement of Pakistani journalists in Turkish media is not merely a reflection of Ankara-Islamabad camaraderie — it may very well be an orchestrated move by the media wing of Pakistan’s intelligence agency, the ISI. The intent is to amplify Pakistani geopolitical interests, challenge Indian narratives, and use Turkish soft power as a megaphone for radical Islam.
One of the most tragic consequences of this media radicalization is the cultural loss within Turkey itself. Historically, rooted in Sufi traditions, Turkish Islam was celebrated for its pluralism and syncretism. However, with the increasing dominance of Pakistani-Deobandi interpretations of Islam promoted by the new wave of Pakistani journalists and clerics, there is a growing concern about an erosion of Turkey’s spiritual heritage.
This ideological shift is being fueled not only through newsrooms but also through Turkey’s expanding religious institutions. The Diyanet or DIB, Turkey’s powerful Presidency of Religious Affairs, has witnessed exponential growth in both influence and budget. It is actively promoting a curriculum increasingly aligned with political Islam.
The Pahalgam attack, which left 26 Indian Hindus dead, triggered ‘Operation Sindoor’ and marked a major escalation of the India-Pakistan conflict. Turkey’s military, diplomatic and media support to Pakistan has added fuel to fire.
President Erdogan met Pakistan’s Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif hours after the Pahalgam attack which was conducted by The Resistance Front (TRF), an extended group of Pakistan-based Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT). Soon after the Pahalgam attack, the Pakistani Army pledged “unwavering support” to such terror groups on Kashmir.
Post Operation Sindoor, Erdogan vocally condemned India’s air strikes, reiterating solidarity with Pakistan during a call with Sharif.
Hours after the Pahalgam attack, pro-Pakistani Turkish media echoed Pakistani Defence Minister Khwaja Asif’s ludicrous claim to Al-Jazeera that the massacre was a “false flag operation” by India.
As Pakistan attacked India’s civilian areas with 300-400 Asisguard Songar quadrotor Unmanned Combat Aerial Vehicles (UCAVs) and Bayraktar Yiha-III drones on May 8-9, targetting several Indian cities, the Turkish media continued peddling Pakistan’s narrative.
On cue, Turkish media outlets began to parrot Pakistan’s claims thereby denying Pakistan’s role in Pahalgam, calling Operation Sindoor as “unprovoked aggression” and labeling Kashmir as “Indian-administered”.
Debris from drones targetted by Indian air defences confirmed their Turkish origins.
“A forensic examination of the drone debris is currently underway. Preliminary reports indicate that the drones are Turkish-made Asisguard Songar models,” Colonel Sofiya Qureshi and Wing Commander Vyomika Singh said in a press briefing on May 8.
Pakistan used civilian flights as shields to launch Turkish Songar drones, a cowardly tactic that India exposed. Songar drone swarms were launched targetting Indian civilian and military sites, but were neutralised by India’s strong air defences.
Earlier, six Turkish C-130 Hercules military transport aircraft, possibly carrying an arms shipment, landed at Karachi airport on April 27 and on May 2. A Turkish warship, TCG Buyukada (F-512), the second ship of the Ada-class ASW corvettes of the Turkish Navy, also docked at Karachi.
However, Turkey claimed that these stops were routine for “routine refueling” and that the Hercules was not carrying arms. The claim appears to be false because Pakistan is already dealing with a shortage of arms and ammunition since it sold a large stock to Ukraine a few months back. The drone firepower used by Pakistan on May 9-10 was not possible without the supply of drones from Turkey. Principally, Turkey has become the second largest arms supplier to Pakistan.
It may be mentioned that Turkish President Erdogan’s younger daughter Sumeyye Erdogan is married to defence sector industrialist Selçuk Bayraktar. Baykar Technology, the company run by Selçuk Bayraktar, his father Ozdemir Bayraktar and his two brothers, has been developing Unmanned Aerial Vehicles (UAVs) Bayraktar drones, both for the Turkish military and other countries, including Pakistan.
The Bayraktar TB2 drones is a medium-altitude long-endurance UCAV capable of remotely-controlled or autonomous flight operations. These have been used extensively by Ukraine in the ongoing war with Russia. In 2020, in the conflict between Azerbaijan and Armenia over the enclave of Nagorno-Karabakh, Azerbaijan’s President Ilham Aliyev, used the TB2 to target vehicles and troops, then displayed footage of the strikes on digital billboards in Baku. Bangladesh and Pakistan have deployed these drones along their borders with India.
Notably, the Turkish intelligence chief visited Pakistan on April 30 to assure full support against India. A high-level delegation led by Lieutenant General Yasar Kadioglu, Chief of Intelligence, Turkish General Staff, called on Pakistan’s Air Chief Marshal Zaheer Ahmed Baber Sidhu, Chief of the Air Staff, Pakistan Air Force (PAF), during his visit to the Air Headquarters in Islamabad. The meeting between Kadioglu and Sidhu took place against the backdrop of heightened tensions along the India-Pakistan border.
Pakistan Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif also met Turkish Ambassador Irfan Neziroglu on May 13 and thanked Turkey for helping Pakistan during the conflict with India.
Under Erdogan, Turkey-Pakistan ties have transformed into structured military cooperation, encompassing defence production, training, joint operations, and strategic alignment.
Turkey and Pakistan increasingly see themselves as part of a broader Islamic geopolitical block, often positioning themselves in contrast to traditional Middle Eastern power centres like Sunni Saudi Arabia and the UAE. Erdogan’s ambition to lead the Muslim ummah aligns well with Pakistan’s longstanding desire for leadership in the Islamic world.
Turkey’s action follows China’s recent military aid, including drones, provided to Pakistan. Collectively, these actions highlight a concerted strategic move. Analysts are of the view that China-Turkey-Pakistan triangle has emerged as a counter-balance to India’s regional influence.
Turkey’s stance to support Pakistan destabilises an already-fragile South Asia. When a NATO member sides with a nation accused of harbouring UN-designated terrorists, it is no longer a regional threat; on the contrary, it poses a potential challenge to collective security.
Ankara’s embrace of Islamabad is far from symbolic, as Turkey increasingly echoes Pakistan’s narrative on global platforms.
(The writer is an expert on South Asia and Eurasia. He was formerly with Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses. Views expressed are personal)
–IANS
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